English Folk-Song and Dance — Inside the Classic

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Kidson, Frank, 1855-1926, Neal, Mary, 1860-1944 Project Gutenberg 2021
Folk songs, English -- England -- History and criticism; Folk dancing, English; Folk music -- England -- History and criticism Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 39,759
Reading time 173 min
Text sections 12

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Frank Kidson and Mary Neal examine English folk-song and dance through historical evidence, tracing Morris and sword dances to possible sun-worship origins, and classifying song types from ballads to labour songs.
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in the childish listener, that we cannot but grant that the original makers of Cante-fable were quite alive to the dramatic force such recurring rhymes possess.

Other examples of the Cante-fable are to be found in Chambers’ _Popular Rhymes of Scotland_ and elsewhere. All, however, point to the verse being used as an ornamental and dramatic addition to the story, and certainly not as indicating a transitionary stage between a rhyming and a prose narrative.

The question of a Cante-fable origin of the folk-ballad is here somewhat fully dealt with, as it is a sufficiently romantic theory to lead people, who have not fully considered all the points involved, to accept it on trust.

IV. THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOLK-MUSIC

It will be quite evident to the average hearer that much folk-music is built upon scales different from those that form the foundation of the ordinary modern tune. This fact is accounted for by the circumstance that a large percentage of folk-melodies are “modal”; _i.e._ constructed upon the so-called “ecclesiastical modes” which, whether adopted from the Greek musical system or not, had Greek nomenclature, and were employed in the early church services.

The ecclesiastical scales may be realised by playing an octave scale on the white keys of the piano only. Thus—C to C is Ionian, D to D Dorian, E to E Phrygian, F to F Lydian (rarely used), G to G Mixolydian, A to A Æolian, and B to B Locrian (practically unused).

Progress in harmony and polyphony gradually revealed the cramping effect of many modal intervals, and already by the beginning of the seventeenth century our modern major and minor scales (the first, however, corresponding to the Ionian mode in structure) had supplanted the rest, so far as trained musicians were concerned. Not so with the folk-tune maker; he was conservative enough to preserve that which had become obsolete elsewhere. We find a large proportion of folk-airs are in the Dorian, Mixolydian, and Æolian modes, with much fewer in the Phrygian.

When folk-music began to be first studied scientifically a theory was held that because of its modal character it was necessarily a reflex of ecclesiastical music, and that secular melodies were either church chants set to songs, or in some other way derived from them. It is known that many of the early clerics established schools for the teaching of music, with intent to enrich the services. But while this theory is temptingly plausible, yet it is incapable of proof, and a reverse one might, with equal reason, be held to maintain that the church took its music directly from the people, or at any rate adapted its form from that mostly popular.

It has also been asserted that the modal character of folk-music is a clear proof of great age. It is certainly more than likely that most of the modal tunes that are found are of considerable antiquity, but it is scarcely safe to conclude that all are so. How old any particular folk-tune may be is a problem incapable of solution, and all attempts to fix its age and period can be but, at best, mere guesswork.

We may grant that folk-music has been handed down traditionally by many generations of singers, but if it has pleased these different generations we must also admit that any new composition of folk-music, to please the people, must conform to their common demand.

Folk-music seems to have held its own traditional ideals longer and more closely than music composed for that class which has so persistently ignored it. The cultured musician is always, consciously or unconsciously, influenced by the music of his day, and as a consequence adheres to its idioms, or is genius enough to found a school of his own. His music too is far more elaborate than that produced by the rustic, or untaught musician. It has harmony, and many more points of evidence that enable us definitely to fix its period of composition.

The composer of folk-music may be compared, in a sense, to the Indian, or Chinese art-worker who repeats the class of patterns that has come down to him from time immemorial. When European influence was brought to bear on his work his patterns became debased, lost their original beauty, and gained nothing from the new source of inspiration.

There is no space in this small manual to enter into a disquisition on the Modes. The reader is referred to such a work as the new edition of Grove’s _Dictionary of Music and Musicians_ (vol. iii., p. 222), to Carl Engel’s _Study of National Music_, and to a most valuable contribution to the subject by Miss A. G. Gilchrist, “Note on the Modal System of Gaelic Tunes,” in the _Journal of the Folk-Song Society_, vol. iv., No. 16.

The following are given as examples of modal folk-tunes, in the modes most frequently found:—

[Music: ONE MOONLIGHT NIGHT

DORIAN _Sung in a “Cante-Fable”_

One moonlight night, as I sat high, I looked for one, but two came by; The boughs did bend, the leaves did shake, To see the hole the fox did make. ]

[Music: THE BONNY LABOURING BOY

_Noted by Miss L. E. Broadwood_ _Sung by Mr Lough, Surrey_

As I roved out one evening, being in the blooming spring, I heard a lovely damsel fair most grievously did sing, Saying “Cruel were my parents that did me so annoy. They did not let me marry with my bonny lab’ring boy.” ]

[Music: CHRISTMAS CAROL AS SUNG IN NORTH YORKSHIRE

God rest you merry, merry gentlemen, Let nothing you dismay, Remember Christ our Saviour was born on Christmas day, To save our souls from Satan’s pow’r that long had gone astray, Oh, tidings of comfort and joy, and joy, and joy, Oh, tidings of comfort and joy, and joy. ]

In addition to modal tunes we have a certain number of folk-airs built upon a “gapped,” or limited, scale of five notes instead of the usual seven. This “pentatonic” scale, which appears to be very characteristic of the primitive music of all nations, was formerly held as an infallible sign of a Scottish origin, and the old recipe to produce a Scottish air was—“stick to the black keys of the piano.” It is quite true that a large number of Scottish melodies have the characteristics of the pentatonic scale, but so also have the Irish tunes, and there are a lesser number that may claim to be English.

Much nonsense has been written to account for the existence of the pentatonic scale, the general conclusion arrived at being that it arose from the use of an imperfect instrument that could only produce five tones. Whatever the instrument so limited may have been, it was neither the primitive flute (like the tin whistle) of six vents, which is sufficient to produce well over an octave, nor was it the human voice. The universal use of the five note scale among many nations wide apart has never been satisfactorily explained. The following is an Irish pentatonic traditional air.

[Music: THE SHAMROCK SHORE

V. CHANGES THAT OCCUR IN FOLK-MUSIC

That all traditional lore is subject to change is of course a well-recognised fact, and this change is so uncertain in its effects, and so erratic in its selection that no law appears to govern it. In ballads or prose narratives that exist only by verbal transmission we may expect the dropping of obsolete words and phrases, and this usually occurs; though sometimes corruptions of such remain and are meaningless to those who repeat them.

For instance, in a certain singing-game, children of a particular district were accustomed to say—

“She knocked at the door and picked up a pin.” It is quite obvious that the original stood—

“She knocked at the door and tirled at the pin.” The “tirling pin” having completely gone out of usage, and even out of popular remembrance, in the limited area where it formerly served the purpose of attracting the attention of the householder, the phrase would have no meaning to the modern child; hence the change into something more comprehensible.

There is considerable analogy in the above to the change that takes place in folk-music. But as musical phrases do not, at any rate in folk-music, become so obsolete as words, the variation is less considerable and is probably due to different causes. These are chiefly wilful alteration for particular reasons, and unconscious change due to lapse of memory, or imperfect hearing. We may usefully consider two or three examples of these kinds of alterations. The tune “Greensleeves” is a very characteristic instance. The first record of the song is at the date 1580, when the ballad was entered at Stationers’ Hall. It is evident that both words and tune became immediately popular, and from that time to our own day it has always retained considerable favour, for it was one of those stock tunes used for ephemeral political ditties, and for the scraps of verse that were employed in the early ballad operas. It is easy to trace, from the eighteenth century printed copies, how the tendency has been to eliminate complex passages, and generally to simplify, while retaining the essential features of the tune. Probably this is its pure sixteenth century form—

[Music: GREENSLEEVES (_Earliest form_) _16th Century_]

It is rather a shock to find that the beautiful air has by careless transmission or wilful change got so degraded as finally to appear in a manuscript book of fiddle airs dated 1838, thus,—

[Music: GREENSLEEVES _From a Manuscript Book, dated 1838_]

Other copies which have deplorably lost much of the purity of the original are to be seen in D’Urfey’s _Wit and Mirth_, _The Beggar’s Opera_ and other early eighteenth century publications. This is from an edition of _The Dancing Master_, dated 1716:

[Music: GREENSLEEVES AND YELLOW LACE _Printed 1716_]

We may trace a curious corruption in the tune as found in traditional usage in Ireland nearly eighty years ago. Thomas Moore employed this traditional version for his song, “Oh, could we do with this world of ours,” and published it united to his verses in his _Irish Melodies_, the tenth number dated 1834. He gives the tune the name of “The Basket of Oysters.” The real tune which went by this title, otherwise known as “Paddy the Weaver,” is to be seen in Aird’s _Selection of Scotch, English, Irish and Foreign Airs_, vol. iii., Glasgow [1788], and elsewhere. It will be noticed that Moore’s tune is “Greensleeves,” to which is joined a part of “Paddy the Weaver.” It is a notable example of the manner in which traditional tunes suffer change from imperfect remembrances or other causes.

[Music: THE BASKET OF OYSTERS _Greensleeves, Irish Version, 1834_]

[Music: A BASKET OF OYSTERS, OR PADDY THE WEAVER

_From Aird’s “Selection,”_ 1788 ]

Although “Greensleeves” is probably not a folk-tune, yet in some cases folk-tunes are apt to suffer a like degradation in character, although it must be clearly stated that tradition frequently holds them together in a wonderfully perfect manner.

In this latter case we may rank “Joan’s placket is torn,” which survives in the modern “Cock o’ the North,” with “Greensleeves,” and their histories are well worth recalling.

We may pass over the tradition that “Joan’s placket” was played at the execution of Mary Queen of Scots. The structure of the tune shows it to have been originally a trumpet tune, and strangely enough throughout the whole course of its existence it seems to have been used in defiance or ridicule. Mr Pepys tells us that when the English sailors left the deserted “Royal Charles” in the Medway in 1667, a Dutch trumpeter sounded the tune from the deck of the captured ship. After this period political lampoons were adapted to the melody. It is difficult to find out when the tune was first named “The Cock o’ the North,” or when, under that title, it was adopted as a British army tune, but there is a striking instance of its use during the siege of Lucknow in the Mutiny of 1857. It was the practice to signal by flag and bugle call from the City to the Residency, both in a state of siege. On one occasion a drummer boy, named Ross, after the signalling was over again climbed to the high dome from which it was conducted, and in spite of the Sepoy rifles sounded “The Cock o’ the North” as a defiance. We all know the story of the wounded piper, shot in the ankle during the rush at Dargai, crouching behind a rock and still sounding the pipe tune the “Cock o’ the North” that had inspired the onslaught. How little the traditional “Cock o’ the North” differs from “Joan’s Placket” the reader will be able to see from the following copies:—

[Music: JOAN’S PLACKET IS TORN _17th Century_]

[Music: THE COCK O’ THE NORTH _20th Century_] Many other examples of traditional cohesion as regards folk-tunes might be cited did space permit.

The tune “A sailor loved a farmer’s daughter,” given in Edward Bunting’s _Ancient Music of Ireland_, 1840, has recently been noted from a farm labourer by Mrs Stanton of Armscott, Warwickshire, in a form practically identical with the printed version, though it is quite evident that the tune noted in Warwickshire has had a source independent of Bunting’s. Every collector could point to such instances from his own experience.

Another fact forces itself into notice. A tune may develop by traditional passage, or by wilful alteration, into several forms, and thus we get airs having points of similarity but also points of difference. In some cases the likeness may be so close that the different tunes are classed as “variants.”

It must be realised that a folk-song singer is under no bond to sing an air strictly as he has received it. Fortunately, in many cases, as shown above, he does, and religiously adheres to the melody as far as his memory, or skill, will permit. There are, however, difficult tunes to remember as well as easy ones, and this fact has considerable bearing on the question.

The reason why we find well-known folk-songs adapted to different airs is somewhat obvious, and the following explanation may be I think accepted. Where a singer reads a folk-song from a ballad sheet and does not know its particular tune, it is easy to believe that he uses one with which he is already familiar, or adapts one, or even composes an air from the stock musical phrases that he knows in other melodies. Thus we find folk-songs sung to many different airs, and this is not evolution.

It may be noticed that in the lesser marked tunes, or rather less original airs, stock musical phrases are in use just as the stock phrases of the ballad-maker are employed by him over and over again. The folk-song singer looks for and welcomes these passages. They are conventional and are the most acceptable. Just as a child gives a better welcome to a story beginning “Once upon a time” than to a less hackneyed manner of opening, and as the folk-singer demands that every girl shall be “a fair damsel,” that the incident of the song shall happen “As I was a-walking one morning in May,” and that his mode of address shall be “I stepped up boldly to her,” or the like, so there are certain inevitable musical phrases in folk-music that one meets with in a particular type of melody.

Waggish musicians are sometimes guilty of inventing “a folk-melody” for the purpose of deceiving and laughing at collectors. The collector, recognising the phrases he knows so well, may accept the tune as genuine. He is not wrong or ignorant in this; the musician has got possession of the material and spirit of folk-music, and then deception is easy. A man may have a Johnsonian method of diction without having the wit or learning of the great lexicographer, and might even pass off a short speech as a genuine one of the Doctor’s.

These stock phrases are of course freely used in folk-music, and it is quite easy for a singer of folk-song legitimately to make an air for a ballad whose proper tune he may not know. This is another way in which variation of tunes occurs, and such results are frequently very puzzling to the expert. The singer may have remembered a passage of a melody and to this he has fitted other phrases that he is also familiar with. He is probably not conscious of the composite tune he is making,—he may even think that he is singing the correct tune.

VI. THE QUALITY OF FOLK-SONG, AND ITS DIFFUSION

The strongest and most valuable feature of folk-song is its earnestness and good faith. Though the quality of earnestness is indefinable it is the soul of art work, and its presence is ever felt.

A folk-song may be very doggerel in verse, its subject trite and trivial, yet it possesses that subtle character that has the appeal and lasting power only belonging to sincerity. The maker of a folk-song did not produce his work for professional reasons; he sang because he must, and sometimes he was very ill-fitted for the task. Yet the work, being done in good faith, has not only the power of appeal to the class for which it was made, but also to a higher culture. Work of greater cleverness if it lack this great asset of earnestness cannot do more than please a particular cult for the moment.

As with folk-music and folk-song, so with the original folk-song singer. In general he does not sing anything that is not fully in accord with his own sentiments, and this is really why folk-song not only keeps in favour with him, but also why it maintains its integrity in tradition. It is seldom, except for the reasons I have before given, that a folk-song singer wilfully alters his song. As I have said, he may, and indeed frequently does, make unconscious changes, but he has a respect for the songs handed down to him.

On the other hand a singer will without scruple rob another district of its right in a folk-song. What in one district is “Scarbro’ Fair” becomes “Whittingham Fair,” and “Birmingham Fair” becomes “Brocklesby Fair,” according to the places where the songs are current. Otherwise the song sustains no material change, and each set of singers will declare their own version is the true one.

The drawing-room vocalist has not the same constancy to his songs as the folk-song singer, nor have his songs the same stability. When the stout respectable father of a family proclaims his passion for a fascinating nymph, and entreats her to fly with him, his wife smiles approval and silently applauds his efforts. When a feeble-looking young man voices sentiments of a blood-thirsty or gruesome character nobody is expected to believe him. In fact he is not in earnest, and in neither of the two cases I have supposed do the singer’s voice their general sentiments. On the other hand, the folk-song singer really _does_ feel the sentiments he sings. If he likes fox-hunting, he sings a fox-hunting song, and is in perfect agreement with the ditty that proclaims fox-hunting a noble sport. And the song represents his feelings when he sings of the joys of farming, or of good liquor, or any other subject that appeals to him as a man, including love. When a young girl or even an old lady sings—

“Oh, my very heart is breaking All for the love of him,”

we may be quite sure that this puts into song some sentiments that either hold possession of the soul or recalls certain sacred memories.

Such songs as voice commonly felt sentiments are quickly diffused over the countryside, and they are to be found very widely spread. Where songs deal with the usages of a district, which, from some cause or another, do not obtain elsewhere, they are less likely to travel. For example, we find few harvest-home songs current in the north of England, and not so many that deal with the joys of farming. In the south-west, where there are large tracts of agricultural land, and more organised merry-makings at the close of the harvest, or at sheep-shearing, there are plenty of songs which proclaim that the life of a farmer, or a ploughman, is all that can be desired.

In the North, where there is more grazing land, and the harvest is harder to wring from the soil, this type of song scarcely exists. The fact is therefore again forced upon us that the folk-song singer, or maker, deals with things with which he is most familiar. Except for these limitations it is unsafe to class a folk-song as “Yorkshire,” “Devonshire,” or otherwise fix it to a particular county.

Frank Kidson and Mary Neal open their joint study with a quotation from Joseph Addison, who praised the songs and fables passed down among common people. This choice signals the authors' interest in vernacular tradition rather than high art. The book is divided into two distinct parts: the first, by Kidson, treats folk-song; the second, by Neal, addresses folk-dance. Each section draws on historical sources, contemporary fieldwork, and comparative anthropology. Kidson acknowledges Lucy Broadwood for a tune and suggestions, while Neal references the Golden Bough to link Morris steps to ancient ritual. The result is a work that blends antiquarian collection with early twentieth-century theories of cultural evolution.

Kidson's Classification of Song Types

Kidson devotes separate chapters to narrative ballads, love songs, pastorals, drinking songs, highwayman and poacher songs, soldier songs, sea songs, pressgang songs, hunting and sporting songs, songs of labour, traditional carols, and children's singing-games. This taxonomy reveals a systematic effort to map the social contexts of folk-song. The categories are not merely thematic; they reflect the occupations and experiences of the singers. For instance, pressgang songs and sea songs are distinguished from soldier songs, indicating a sensitivity to the specific hardships of naval impressment versus army service. Kidson also includes a chapter on the ballad sheet and song garland, showing attention to the printed transmission of oral material.

Neal's Argument for Ritual Origins

Mary Neal's section on folk-dance is more speculative than Kidson's. She proposes that the Morris dance descends from sun-worship, citing the Golden Bough and comparing English dances to those of the Roman Salii. She lists three reasons: the processional form at Bampton-in-the-Bush, the circular and semicircular evolutions in dances from Abingdon and Headington, and the appearance of a King and Queen figure. Neal writes that the Abingdon dances 'end with a complete circle' and that Bean-setting begins with 'two half-circles danced in opposite directions.' She interprets these patterns as mimetic magic intended to influence the sun's course. The argument is presented as plausible rather than proven, and Neal notes that the etymological link between 'Morris' and 'Mamurius' is not taken seriously by the author she cites.

The Role of Fieldwork and Photography

The book includes photographs of Morris dancers at Bampton-in-the-Bush and Abingdon, credited to the Daily Chronicle and the Espérance Morris Book. These images ground the text in observable practice. Neal describes the Bampton dancers as having 'an unbroken tradition going back some hundreds of years' and notes their 'slow, dignified rhythmic movement' in processional form. The set dances, by contrast, involve 'wild leaps, twirlings round, hand-clapping, stick clashing, and the waving of handkerchiefs.' This contrast between processional and set dances is one of the few places where the authors offer a direct observation of living tradition, rather than historical reconstruction.

Limits of the Evidence Presented

Kidson and Neal rely heavily on printed sources and comparative anthropology. Kidson's chapters on song types do not include transcriptions of tunes or full lyrics; he refers to the existence of such material but does not reproduce it. Neal's ritual hypothesis depends on the Golden Bough rather than on local testimony. The book does not claim to have collected new songs or dances firsthand. Kidson's note thanks Lucy Broadwood for 'a folk-tune of her collecting,' but no tune appears in the excerpts. The authors are synthesizers rather than field collectors, and their work is best understood as a summary of early twentieth-century knowledge about English folk tradition, filtered through the lens of contemporary scholarship.

Readers interested in the raw material of folk-song and dance should supplement this volume with the collections of Cecil Sharp or the journals of the Folk-Song Society. Kidson and Neal provide a useful overview of categories and historical theories, but their evidence is often secondhand. The book's value lies in its snapshot of how two early revivalists understood their subject—as a living link to prehistoric ritual and as a body of work worthy of systematic classification.

In English Folk-Song and Dance, Kidson finds rituals hiding in plain steps, old suns behind the Morris bells. It reminds me of another quiet volume, The liberty minstrel — Context and Discussion, where freedom hums beneath the verses. Both books hold that ache of something older, singing through cracks in time. I often shelve them side by side, as if they might exchange whispered tunes.

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  • ...
    Stephanie William Miles - 1 month ago
    Interesting overview of English folk song and dance, with many examples and historical background. However, the organization could be better, and some sections feel repetitive. Still, a decent introduction for anyone curious about the topic.

  • ...
    Angel Mccarty - 3 weeks ago
    This book promises much but delivers little. The prose is often dry and academic, and the musical examples are not always clearly explained. The author's focus on historical details overshadows the joy of the music itself. A more engaging presentation would have been more effective.

  • ...
    Randall Gray - 1 week ago
    A delightful and insightful journey into the heart of English folk music. The author beautifully captures the essence of the songs and dances, providing historical context and musical notation. A treasure trove for both folk enthusiasts and those new to the genre.


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